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Jamaat jolt turning point
The long-awaited elections to the Bangladesh parliament have produced results that are quite extraordinary in the vehemence with which a record turnout of over 80 per cent has expressed its views.
A comprehensive understanding of the result could only emerge in the days ahead when the voting percentages are known.
However, in a direct contest between two alliances where the basic motto of one was the protection of Islam and the nation while the other stressed development, the people have expressed themselves without ambiguity as to where their preference lies.
One may also note that 32 per cent of the voters were youths exercising their franchise for the first time and more
than half of those who joined the queues at the polling booths were women.
When the army stepped in two years ago on the eve of what would have been a comprehensively manipulated election by the then ruling party, the BNP, there was a sense of relief across the country that a possible civil war had been averted.
The initial actions of the army-backed caretaker government, particularly the improvement in law and order and the calling to account of politicians who had contributed to Bangladesh heading the list of the most corrupt countries in the world for years on end, were welcomed.
However, laudable as the objective may have been, the army assumed that it could change society by fiat, an effort that was doomed to failure. The rot can be exposed, but the answers have to come from within the body politic.
When the army stepped in two years ago on the eve of what would have been a comprehensively manipulated election by the then ruling party, the BNP, there was a sense of relief across the country that a possible civil war had been averted.
The initial actions of the army-backed caretaker government, particularly the improvement in law and order and the calling to account of politicians who had contributed to Bangladesh heading the list of the most corrupt countries in the world for years on end, were welcomed.
However, laudable as the objective may have been, the army assumed that it could change society by fiat, an effort that was doomed to failure. The rot can be exposed, but the answers have to come from within the body politic.
Ill-judged efforts such as the minus-two formula assumed that the problems of politics in Bangladesh could be
solved by the exile of the two leading ladies. Equally fruitless was the effort to put together parties of honourable men with, unfortunately, no support at the grassroots.
Awami League supporters
hug outside Sheikh Hasina's
home on Tuesday. (AP)
Also, this had not been a traditional "coup" serving the ambitions of one man or a small group. It had been a "coup" thrust upon the army by the collapse of the political process. Within the army, there would have been influential groups pulling in different directions, including towards a more direct and lasting role.
What is laudable is that ultimately the Bangladesh army has kept faith with the people and the promises it made, providing the necessary level playing field for a free, fair and impartial election. No less remarkable is the achievement of the Bangladesh Election Commission in delivering on what seemed at times an impossible task.
That people should express themselves against a party that had not governed well last time around is not unusual, even though Begum Khaleda Zia sought the forgiveness of the people for past mistakes at her last election rally.
What is laudable is that ultimately the Bangladesh army has kept faith with the people and the promises it made, providing the necessary level playing field for a free, fair and impartial election. No less remarkable is the achievement of the Bangladesh Election Commission in delivering on what seemed at times an impossible task.
That people should express themselves against a party that had not governed well last time around is not unusual, even though Begum Khaleda Zia sought the forgiveness of the people for past mistakes at her last election rally.
What is most remarkable and could mark a turning point in Bangladesh politics is the summary rejection of the Jamaat, including the defeat of its leaders, considered by many guilty of heinous crimes in 1971, by relatively unknown people. Both the major parties have been willing to share, from time to time, the dais with the Jamaat.
One may argue that the Awami League did so from electoral compulsions in the nineties and the BNP subsequently for the additional reason of ideological affinity. But the fact is that they both calculated that Jamaat represented an important Islamist force. This led to the spawning of fundamentalism and terrorism by those from the Jamaat stables.
Jamaat was part of the BNP-led government from 2001-2006 when people spoke of the Talibanisation of Bangladesh. Some foreign powers, otherwise at war with Islamic fundamentalists, looked upon the
One may argue that the Awami League did so from electoral compulsions in the nineties and the BNP subsequently for the additional reason of ideological affinity. But the fact is that they both calculated that Jamaat represented an important Islamist force. This led to the spawning of fundamentalism and terrorism by those from the Jamaat stables.
Jamaat was part of the BNP-led government from 2001-2006 when people spoke of the Talibanisation of Bangladesh. Some foreign powers, otherwise at war with Islamic fundamentalists, looked upon the
Jamaat as the least of some evils. The people of Bangladesh have demonstrated that their allegiance to their faith does not draw them to Jamaat rhetoric.Not unconnected with the above, the other issue that has been gaining momentum in Bangladesh is the evaluation of 1971. Nearly 40 years have passed, but the scars of Pakistani genocide, aided by many Bangladeshis who remain unrepentant and unreconciled, still remain raw. There have been strident calls for the trial of those who were guilty. This consciousness of past wrongs inflicted by those who have thrived by peddling religion may have played its part in the elections.
Importantly and hopefully, the message from the people about disassociating religion from politics, a slide started notably by General Ershad and then carried on by others, would be internalised by the major political parties.
Importantly and hopefully, the message from the people about disassociating religion from politics, a slide started notably by General Ershad and then carried on by others, would be internalised by the major political parties.
What next? A great deal of house-cleaning has now to be undertaken. Many of the actions of the caretaker government (including an extended emergency and the indefinite continuation of a President in office) appear to be out of the purview of the Bangladesh constitution. A so-called 'exit policy' for the army has been a matter of concern to many in Bangladesh.
One would hope that with the majority enjoyed by the Grand Alliance, the parliament would find it possible to iron out the constitutional wrinkles.
The greatest challenge is for the Awami League. In 1996, it came to power after two decades when many thought it impossible. Sheikh Hasina is a leader of charisma and great courage, both physical, as seen after the bomb attack on her rally, and
One would hope that with the majority enjoyed by the Grand Alliance, the parliament would find it possible to iron out the constitutional wrinkles.
The greatest challenge is for the Awami League. In 1996, it came to power after two decades when many thought it impossible. Sheikh Hasina is a leader of charisma and great courage, both physical, as seen after the bomb attack on her rally, and
political as seen in concluding the Ganges Waters Agreement with India in 1996. As Prime Minister in 1996, she was also much the daughter of Sheikh Mujib, the trauma of the assassination weighing heavily.
In the years since, she would have been tempered in the furnace of adversity. She is still Sheikh Mujib's daughter, but also a significant and powerful personality in her own right. She would have realised that the victory of the Awami League would not have been possible without the contributions of secular and progressive elements of the polity and those imbued with the spirit of nationalism.
She would have to lead not only her party, which has fractures that require healing, but the entire nation which is now her trust.
In the years since, she would have been tempered in the furnace of adversity. She is still Sheikh Mujib's daughter, but also a significant and powerful personality in her own right. She would have realised that the victory of the Awami League would not have been possible without the contributions of secular and progressive elements of the polity and those imbued with the spirit of nationalism.
She would have to lead not only her party, which has fractures that require healing, but the entire nation which is now her trust.
She would need to extend a hand to the opposition and seek to bring to an end the sorry history of confrontation that has contaminated the political history of Bangladesh.
Begum Zia is the face of the BNP. The election results would be a terrible blow for any political leader. She has an opportunity today of breaking with the futile and destructive traditions of the past decades and bringing constructive debate to the parliament.
She would also perhaps reflect that emphasis on saving the nation's sovereignty and integrity no longer evokes a response and that the deeply religious people of Bangladesh may be unwilling to repose confidence in those who trade in religion.
(THE TELEGRAPH, KOLKATA,
DECEMBER 31, 2008)
Begum Zia is the face of the BNP. The election results would be a terrible blow for any political leader. She has an opportunity today of breaking with the futile and destructive traditions of the past decades and bringing constructive debate to the parliament.
She would also perhaps reflect that emphasis on saving the nation's sovereignty and integrity no longer evokes a response and that the deeply religious people of Bangladesh may be unwilling to repose confidence in those who trade in religion.
(THE TELEGRAPH, KOLKATA,
DECEMBER 31, 2008)
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